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Speeches
2002
CONSTITUTIONAL LAW AND CONFERENCE DINNER
"The
High Court and the Oxford Companion to the High Court
Botanical
Gardens Restaurant
7.30 p.m. Friday, 15 February 2002
The
Hon Justice M.H. McHugh AC
Justice of the High Court of Australia
It is an honour
to be asked by Tony Blackshield, Michael Coper and
George Williams to speak at this dinner to celebrate
the publication of the Oxford Companion to the
High Court of Australia, a truly remarkable book,
by whatever standard it is measured. Every Australian
lawyer with more than a passing interest in the law
is familiar with the writings of Tony Blackshield
and Michael Coper, writings that for many years have
illuminated legal, and particularly constitutional,
issues for the great benefit of the courts, the academy
and the legal profession. In less than 10 years, George
Williams has also achieved a reputation comparable
to theirs. His profile as a radio and television commentator
on High Court cases is now so high that my illustrious
colleague Michael Kirby is no longer
Australia's best-known lawyer. George has relegated
him to the minor role of Australia's best-known judge.
I
am proud of the fact that George is one of the editors
of this monumental work. As the jacket of the Companion
indicates, he was my Associate at the High Court
in 1992, the year in which the High Court handed down
its decisions in Mabo and the freedom of communication
and other great constitutional cases. Hard though
it may be to believe, George was not responsible for
any of those decisions.
I
always tell my new associates "If you think
there are any errors in my judgments, tell me. I'd
rather learn it from you than from Adrienne Stone
or the young Turks writing in the Federal Law Review
or from Dennis Rose in a future Lucinda Lecture."
George Williams never hesitated to tell me when he
thought the conclusion or reasoning in one of my draft
judgments was wrong.
The
Oxford Companion to the High Court of Australia
is an amazing compendium of High Court information.
It has 435 separate entries in about 650,000 words,
contributed by 225 authors although there is a suggestion
that there are only 224 authors and one has doubled
up under a nom de plume. Nothing of relevance
or interest concerning the Court appears to have been
omitted. In one volume, the Companion has:
-
concise
biographies of the Justices, their backgrounds
and judicial work;
-
summaries
of the most important decisions of the Court;
-
summaries
of the Court's development of the law in numerous
areas of the civil and criminal law;
-
a
description of the role of the Court;
-
descriptions
and analyses sometimes critical,
sometimes flattering of the themes and
policies that contributors have seen as explaining
the Court's work;
-
the
appointment of Justices and appointments to the
Court that might have been but did not eventuate;
-
accounts
of various aspects of the internal workings of
the court such as the judicial conferences, the
role of associates, the preparation of judgments
and the fiscal responsibilities and administration
of the Court;
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essays
on diverse subjects such as notable litigants,
cultural diversity, ideology, feminism, socialism,
sex, sexual preferences and humour in the Court;
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Even
what some may regard as trivia is interesting and often
tells a story about the Court or the milieu in which
it has operated. The Companion has a Table, for
example, that shows the number of times Justices of
the Court appeared as counsel before the High Court,
as recorded in the Commonwealth Law Reports. It does
not of course take into account appearances in special
leave applications or cases which did not make the Commonwealth
Law Reports. But it is an interesting piece of trivia
and gives rise to a number of conclusions about the
work of the Court and its litigants.
With
211 appearances, Sir Hayden Starke appeared before the
High Court more times than any other person appointed
to the Court. That is three times as many appearances
as Chief Justice Gleeson who appeared 70 times and four
times as many as the 52 appearances that I had. The
discrepancy between the appearances of Justice Starke
and present day Justices tells us something about the
work of the High Court and those who litigated cases
in the Court. Sir Hayden Starke's numbers are bolstered
by appearances in the original jurisdiction of the High
Court when it dealt with matters that since 1976 have
been heard by the Federal Court. Tax, intellectual property
and diversity jurisdiction matters are examples. Many
of Sir Hayden Starke's appearances in the High court
would now be appearances in the Federal Court of Australia.
The
number of Hayden Starke's appearances and those of Sir Owen
Dixon (175), Sir Adrian Knox (138) and Sir Wilfred Fullagar
(132) also confirms what a quick perusal of the Commonwealth
Law Reports suggests, viz, that High Court work before
the Second World War was dominated by a few counsel,
retained by large corporations. In modern times, only
Sir Garfield Barwick with 173 appearances matches their
appearances although David Bennett and David Jackson,
not yet appointed to the Court, may be challenging them.
Another
interesting piece of trivia is a Table that shows the
predecessor of each judge appointed. Justice Kirby proudly
tells me that he replaced Sir William Deane. His predecessors
include such notables as Justices Evatt, Windeyer and
Stephen. Armed with the information in the Companion,
however, I can now point out to Justice Kirby that
the original occupant of his place on the Court was
Justice Powers a Justice described by the Companion
as a "mediocrity", with no sense of humour, whose
departure from the Court was unlamented. In contrast
to Justice Kirby, Justice Powers is almost certainly
the least known of any of the Justices of the Court
although he served for 16 years. But perhaps, I should
not make too much of that particular Table. It also
shows that the seat that I hold has been occupied by
more Justices who died in office than any other seat
on the Court.
In
the Introduction to the Oxford Companion to the Supreme
Court of the United States, the editors stated that
their chief task was to illuminate the way in which
the Supreme Court performs its crucial role as the guardian
and interpreter of the Constitution. They saw the Supreme
Court not only as a legal institution but also as "a
hybrid political, social, economic, and cultural institution
that speaks through the law but whose decisions
shape and
are shaped by the social order of which
it is a part." A perusal of the Oxford Companion
to the High Court suggests that its editors saw
their chief task in much the same way.
When
you think of some of the landmark High Court decisions
the Bank Nationalisation, Communist
Party, Tasmanian Dams, Mabo and Wik cases,
it is clear that High Court decisions have both shaped
the social, political and economic order and were shaped
by that order. The Engineers' Case, decided in
1920, is a good general illustration of the point.
By insisting that the text of the Constitution was conclusive
both in what it directed and what it forbade, the Engineers'
Case increased dramatically the scope and content
of the legislative powers of the Commonwealth. No longer
were the powers of the federal Parliament to be read
down by vague implications drawn from the federal nature
of Constitution, as had occurred in cases before 1920.
The Commonwealth's control of trade and commerce, external
affairs, industrial disputes, corporations and defence
would be very different today if the Engineers' Case
had not prevailed. That was why Sir Garfield
Barwick, as nationalistic in his outlook as Sir Isaac
Isaacs, said in his retirement speech that we must be
"wary that the triumph of the Engineers' Case is
never tarnished." Yet as Sir Victor Windeyer once
pointed out, the decision in Engineers' was the
product of the changing nature of Australian society.
It was, he said, the result of the Constitution being
"read in a new light, a light reflected from events
that had, over twenty years, led to a growing realisation
that Australians were now one people and that national
laws might meet national needs."
Although
the High Court functions as an institution and not a
mere collection of individuals, one or two individuals
have often significantly influenced its triumphs and
what some see as its failures. Professional historians
no longer place much weight on the once popular theory
that the actions and beliefs of great individuals are
the chief causes of great historical events. But when
you examine the relationship of the High Court to Australian
society, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that
the actions and beliefs of certain individuals have
had a large effect on that relationship. Sir Isaac Isaacs,
who wrote the judgment in the Engineers' Case,
is one notable example. It would be invidious to mention
other names having regard to the inferences that might
be drawn from the omissions. I would not want to undermine
the wise decision of the editors for some of
us, at least of not selecting the ten best and
ten worst Justices.
Nevertheless,
two individuals deserve mention. One of them is a person
who was never appointed to the Court Alfred Deakin.
He was the Attorney-General responsible for the passing
of the Judiciary Act 1903 which, if it did not
create the Court as some argue, at least established
it and provided for its jurisdiction. Few now recollect
the lack of interest in not to mention the hostility
to the creation of the High Court that existed
in the years immediately after federation. The Chief
Justices of the Supreme Courts, with the exception of
Sir Samuel Griffith, were either opposed to or did not
support the establishment of the Court. Sir Samuel
Way, the Chief Justice of South Australia said it was
no more needed than the 5th wheel on a coach. The leaders
of the State legal professions thought it would impair
the stature of their Supreme Courts. Newspapers carried
accounts describing the proposed Court as "a splendid
luxury". Many politicians thought that a High Court
would have so little business that the expense of setting
it up could not be justified. They thought that, in
so far as a High Court was needed, its work could be
done by ad hoc sittings of the Court manned by the Chief
Justices of the States.
Deakin
had a different conception of the Court. He intended
to create a Court that he predicted would acquire the
same status as the US Supreme Court, the House of Lords
and the Privy Council. His three hour speech in support
of the Judiciary Bill is one of the greatest
perhaps the greatest speech ever made in the
federal Parliament. He noted that the Constitution was
drawn up "on simple and large lines" and that it opened
up "an immense field for exact definition and Interpretation".
He said:
"Our
Constitution must depend largely for the exact form
and shape which it will hereafter take upon the interpretations
accorded to its various provisions. This court is
created to undertake that interpretation."
Deakin
had no doubt that High Court interpretation rather than
formal amendment was the means by which the Constitution
would grow and adapt to the changing necessities and
circumstances of successive generations. He agreed with
an interjection that something could not be read into
the Constitution that was not there. But he insisted
that the Constitution had "to be interpreted in accordance
with the needs of the time."
Such
was the hostility to the establishment of the Court
that over a year elapsed between the introduction of
the Judiciary Bill into the Parliament and it
becoming law. Even then, the Parliament only agreed
to a Court of three Justices instead of the five that
Deakin wanted. Without his vision and energy, the establishment
of the High Court as one of the great institutions of
Australian life may have been delayed for many years.
And it may have been a different body from the Court
we know today. Those who think that the establishment
of the High Court was inevitable and would have come,
if Deakin had never lived, should remember the history
of the Interstate Commission. Section 101 of the Constitution
declares that there shall be an Inter-state Commission.
But an Interstate Commission was not established until
1912, was abolished in 1950, re-established in 1983
and again abolished in 1989. Is it too fantastic to
think that, without Deakin, the High Court, if it existed
at all, might be a very different body from the Court
we know today?
Deakin's
achievement in creating the High Court was very great
and must never be forgotten. But without Sir Samuel
Griffith, the Court may still not have become the institution
that it is today. Largely forgotten now is the opposition
to the appointment of Griffith as Chief Justice. He
had been Premier of Queensland, had played a leading
role in the drafting of the Constitution and was Chief
Justice of Queensland. He was a very learned lawyer.
Yet there were those who thought him too ambitious and
self-seeking to be made Chief Justice of the High Court.
Others thought the position should go to Barton who
had worked so hard to have the Constitution approved
by the people and who, of course, was the Prime Minister.
Senator Richard O'Connor also had his supporters. He
was familiar with the constitutional law of the United
States and Canada, had been on the constitutional drafting
committees and had had the carriage of the Judiciary
Act through the Senate.
Sir
Owen Dixon thought that, of the early Justices, the
judgments of Justice O'Connor have lived better than
that of anybody else. Sir Leo Cussen, the great Victorian
judge, thought Barton's judgments were the best and
that they had more understanding of what a Constitution
was about. But I am far from convinced that either of
them would have made a better first Chief Justice than
Griffith.
From
the beginning Griffith asserted the authority of the
High Court. He was in Sir Owen Dixon's words, "a dominant
and decisive legal mind". He stood up to the Privy Council
in 1907 in Baxter v Commissioner of Taxation
by refusing to follow its decision in Webb v Outrim
which had disapproved an earlier High Court decision.
He pointed out that the Privy Council had had no
jurisdiction in Webb v Outrim because the question
for decision was an inter-se question that required
a certificate from the High Court under s 74 of
the Constitution and that none had been given. In fact,
the High Court had refused a certificate although five
of the States had asked for it to be given.
Earlier
in 1904, Griffith had strongly criticised the
Full Court of the Supreme Court of Victoria for following
Privy Council decisions on the Canadian Constitution
in preference to a relevant High Court decision on our
Constitution. In 1908 in Bayne v Blake, he
strongly criticised the Chief Justice of Victoria who
had said that the High Court could not direct the Chief
Clerk of the Supreme Court to proceed with inquiries
and that the Chief Justice of Victoria was not a servant
of the High Court. Griffith CJ pointed out that,
although the Chief Justice of Victoria was not a servant
of the High Court, he was a member of a State Court
and the Constitution made orders under the Judiciary
Act binding upon him and the officers of a State
Court. On numerous occasions, Sir Samuel Griffith
wrote well-reasoned judgments for the Court that displayed
his vast knowledge of the law and demonstrated errors
in the decisions of the Full Courts of the States. Almost
invariably, until the appointment of Isaacs and Higgins,
the position of the High Court was strengthened by the
unanimity of its decisions.
Many
of his judgments are still cited. It is true that his
theory of constitutional interpretation, which greatly
favoured the States, was overthrown in the Engineeers'
Case. But it was probably a good thing for
the High Court that his theory of constitutional prevailed
in the first two decades of federation. It accorded
with the then current doctrine of the United States
Supreme Court and with the expectations of most of those
who had framed the Constitution. If the High Court had
imposed the doctrine of the Engineers Case on
the States in (say) 1903, it may have produced a constitutional
crisis. Certainly, it would have made it harder for
the States and a conservative legal profession to accept
the authority of the High Court.
By
the strength of his character, his self-confidence and
his great legal learning, Griffith was able to dominate
the High Court. As a result, the High Court quickly
achieved dominance over the State Supreme Courts. When
Griffith retired, the High Court had become so dominant
that the Chief Justice of New South Wales could congratulate
Griffith's successor as the Chief Justice of Australia.
Summaries
of the story of the establishment of the High Court
and the roles of Deakin and Griffith, like almost everything
else that relates to the Court, can be found in the
Companion. Even inveterate High Court watchers
will find in its pages, much that is novel, interesting
and useful. It is hard to believe that it could be at
one and the same time a work that is as interesting
to the non-lawyer as it is useful to the legal professionals
who follow the Court's work. Yet it is. In my view,
it is superior in its reach and quality to the Oxford
Companion to the Supreme Court of the United States.
I congratulate the editors, contributors and research
assistants for producing this monumental work that should
be on the bookshelf of every lawyer, politician, journalist,
political scientist and citizen interested in the history
and workings of the High Court.
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