Speeches
LAW INSTITUTE OF VICTORIA DINNER
MELBOURNE - 26 MAY 1995
The Hon Sir Gerard Brennan, AC KBE
Chief Justice of Australia
The task which your President has assigned to me is
to respond to the welcome which has been extended to your
guests. Your guests are drawn from many walks of life, and
the diversity of our occupations is a pointer to the varied
fields in which your members practise and thus to the significance
of legal practice to the public and commercial life of Victoria.
The law has become more complex as demand increases for legal
solutions to contemporary problems. Some of those problems
did not exist in earlier times; others were solved by earlier
generations according to manners and morals then generally
accepted. Many of the problems which once were taken to parents
or mutual friends, to priest or minister, to the member of
Parliament, to the local doctor or sergeant of police or to
the bookkeeper in the store are now taken directly to the
solicitor's office and sometimes to the courts. Today, lawyering
has become a multi-faceted skill.
I suspect that legal practice has become less enjoyable
as the pressures have mounted. Indeed, if I hark back nearly
half a century I can remember a dear old friend who regarded
his undemanding practice at the Bar as a pleasant backdrop
to a life of bibulous discussion of literature, history and
humanity. He was briefed by the Crown as a junior to a very
demanding leader who asked him to dig out all the cases on
a minor point in the pending litigation. "I'll get out
a couple of the main cases" was his undertaking at a
conference with the instructing solicitor and the head of
the client department. "No" said the leader "I
must have every case on the point before we go into Court,
otherwise I shall not be able to argue the case." "Well"
said my friend who never understood why he lost the patronage
of the Crown Solicitor from that time onwards "you can
stay in your seat while I argue it myself!" Characters,
as we all know, seem to have left the law.
This is not the occasion to speak about specialization,
office and personnel management and professional standards.
But it is appropriate to recognize the increased significance
of the role of the political branches of government - the
Legislature and the Executive - in the solution of today's
legal problems. They are the makers of our statutes and regulations,
the promulgators of guidelines and policies that affect significantly
so many aspects of modern life.
Sometimes there appears to be a tension between judicial
power and the powers of the Legislature and the Executive.
In some respects, there must be a tension. It is the function
of the judicial branch to ensure that the exercise of power
by the other branches of government conforms to the law -
that is, there is no assumption of power that has not been
lawfully conferred and the power is exercised in a manner
which is procedurally fair. If legislative or executive power
were exercised without the limits of the law, injustice if
not tyranny could run without restraint. As the judicial branch
of government is appointed to interpret and administer the
law, it is inevitable that the law's application will be seen
by some to be a frustration of the powers of an elected government.
This is a misconception, but it has gained some popular currency.
The courts do not have nor do they claim a jurisdiction to
frustrate the powers of an elected government, but they have
and must exercise a jurisdiction to prevent an elected government
from exercising powers which it does not have or from exercising
the powers which it does have by a procedure which is unfair.
Except on those rare occasions when a legislature goes beyond
its powers, the Courts uniformly defer to the legislative
will. Sometimes there will be a judicial comment on the injustice
or inefficiency of a particular statute where that injustice
or inefficiency has surfaced in litigation. But the respect
for the Legislature is profound and respect for the expression
of the legislative will is absolute. This attitude depends
on more than legal theory or judicial acknowledgment of the
importance of a separation of powers. The Courts acknowledge
the superior ability of the Legislature to acquire the information
necessary for just legislation; to balance the interests of
varying groups in the community; to estimate the costs of
a particular proposal and, most significantly of all, to interpret
the will of the community. It is the very lack of independence
from popular influence that fits the political branches of
government for the exercise of legislative power. It is politicians,
not judges, who must take responsibility for the laws enacted
by the Parliament and for their operation. A cry of injustice
when the statute laws are applied sounds on deaf judicial
ears. Such cries must be addressed to the political branches
of government. This is at the heart of our representative
democracy. In matters of statute law, the courts are not the
translators of democratic opinion; theirs is the more pedestrian
role of interpreting the language of the law enacted by the
Parliament. If it were otherwise, the rule of law and the
democratic process would be subverted.
To no less extent does the judicial branch of government
acknowledge the proper role of the Executive and its superior
capacity to exercise the prerogative and discretionary powers
confided to it, to administer budgets, to set priorities,
to provide public services and to manage a bureaucracy. The
legitimacy of executive power is rooted in the Westminster
system of responsible government. Subject to any review on
the merits which the Parliament may have empowered an Administrative
Appeals Tribunal to exercise, the bureaucracy is responsible
to the Minister and the Minister to the Parliament for the
exercise of executive power. The Courts will review executive
action only to ensure that the exercise of executive power
is within the boundaries of the law, and by a procedure that
accords natural justice to the affected party or parties.
But the Courts do not and cannot review the desirability of
legitimate policies or strike down decisions which are fairly
made in accordance with legitimate policies. The Courts are
fitted to determine and enforce individual rights; they are
ill-fitted to settle administrative policies that must take
account of the diverse interests of the whole community.
A Westminster democracy is a complex system. It requires
the experience and expertise, the diverse backgrounds, the
intelligence and industry of those in the political branches
of government. Political skills are sometimes derided for
subjecting principle to expediency but, in a changing and
multi-cultural society when divergent aspirations must be
evaluated in the formation or alteration of the law, expediency
is not always an impermissible or undesirable influence. But
as expediency is foreign to the judicial process, the Courts
must leave law reform of the statute law and even some rules
of the common law to the political branches of government.
The democratic system calls for skilled politicians but
it calls also for an independent and competent judiciary which
will apply the law equally to the powerful and those on the
inner circles of society on the one hand and to the unempowered
and those on the margins of society on the other. It is a
sobering reflection that any restriction imposed on the Courts'
power to extend the protection of the law may leave those
who today favour the restriction without the protection of
the law tomorrow. The protection of the law depends upon a
competent judiciary independent of any class, interest group
or power base. It is, of course, the responsibility of the
Executive Government to ensure that our society has and retains
such a judiciary. A faithful performance of this duty makes
political sense; and patent dereliction of this duty spells
political trouble, for the community understands the importance
of a competent and independent judiciary to a free society.
Each of the three branches of government must maintain that
mutual respect for the functions of the other branches which
the doctrine of separation of powers requires. Such tension
as exists between the judicial branch and the political branches
of government should be merely the manifestation of the checks
and balances which the separation of powers creates. The purpose
of that separation is to maintain a society free from injustice
and tyranny.
I fear I have been speaking at a high level of abstraction,
but it has a real significance to today's forms of legal practice.
The client whose interests require advocacy before the political
branches of government may call for services of a very different
kind from those which are required for advocacy before the
courts. Advice of a kind not found in the books may be needed
to achieve the legitimate objectives which the client seeks.
It may not always be the function of the legal practitioner
to provide these services, but if they are to be provided,
more than the traditional skills are required and engagement
with other professions may be necessary.
Among your guests this evening you have members of the political
branches of government and representatives of other professions.
The Law Institute represents practitioners who have met the
challenge of our complex society and have ventured into fields
beyond those occupied by practitioners in earlier times. Nonetheless,
I respectfully suggest that it is necessary to keep in mind
that the ethos of the profession, the relationship between
practitioners and its standards of service and ethical conduct
are derived from the character of the profession as Ministers
of the Judicial branch of government.
I thank you for your hospitality on behalf of all your guests
and in particular my wife and I thank you for the warmth of
your reception.
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